Dreapta decentă

„În contextul tragic al războiului din Ucraina, domnul Adrian Papahagi repostează un mai vechi denunț care vizează mai mulți intlectuali autohtoni, printre care și subsemnatul. Citez:

„Vocile Moscovei sunt acum, ca în vara lui 2012 sau în iarna lui 2014, de partea fărădelegii.

Discipolii lui Zelea-Codreanu defilează braț la braț cu emulii lui Troțki, în aplauzele lui Putin.

Capsali, Duca, Racu, Ernu, Rogozanu – aceeași mizerie.

Sputnik, gandeste.ork, Visegrad Post, ActiveNews, Antena3, RTV, mai nou România Liberă sunt vuvuzele putiniste.

Ne va fi tot mai greu, detestaților intelectuali de dreapta, să apărăm în egală măsură ortodoxia și occidentul, să explicăm că nici caricatura legionaroid-putinistă nu reprezintă duhul ortodox, nici nihilismul și perversiunea nu sunt spiritul civilizației occidentale (…)

(Scriam asta acum patru ani. Poate, când se va scrie istoria ultimului deceniu, se va înțelege răul făcut țării de progreseii și securacii care au distrus dreapta decentă și au deschis culoar aureilor).”

I-am răspuns domnului Papahagi și acum patru ani.

Revin și acum cu niște întrebări:

L-aș întreba pe domnul Papahagi care sunt criteriile. Ce luări de poziție te învrednicesc de apartenența la clubul select al „dreptei decente” și ce intervenții te plasează în corul vocilor Moscovei? Dacă nu repeți cuvânt cu cuvânt ce spune Joe Biden, ci mai ai și obiecții, înseamnă că ești doar o altă voce a Moscovei? Dar în cazul acesta și domnul Papahagi, care l-a susținut pe Trump, alături de prietenii domniei sale de la „dreapta decentă”, e tot o voce a Moscovei. Înțeleg că Moscova o cânta pe multe voci, dar atunci când eu și cu Bogdan Duca scriem cu totul altceva despre Putin și Rusia, ba văd că Duca se mai și ia de mine pe motiv că aș fi prea sensibil față de soarta civililor ucraineni, ar fi de dorit ca „dreapta decentă” să definească elementul comun care determină apartenența la aceeași categorie.

Operează „dreapta decentă” cu criteriile stângii liberale americane? Sau operează fără criterii? Așa operează o „dreaptă decentă”? Cred că simplul fapt de a-l fi criticat cândva pe Băsescu și intelectualii lui de curte te plasează în categoria vocilor Moscovei, conform criteriilor „dreptei decente”, în timp ce apartenența la clubul select al „dreptei decente” se câștigă și se menține doar prin reciclarea unor clișee și etichete tembele de pe În Linie Dreaptă despre niște autori pe care nici măcar nu i-a citit, nici în 2012, nici în 2014, nici în 2022, și care păcătuiesc prin îndrăzneala de a gândi cu propria minte, motiv pentru care sunt și înjurați periodic de o multitudine de troli și politruci, de dreapta sau de stânga, unii dintre ei cu doctorat la Sorbona, care fie nu înțeleg ce citesc, fie nici nu se mai obosesc să citească.

În concluzie, ignoranța și tribalismul sunt caracteristicile definitorii ale „dreptei decente” întrucât europene. Un club select unde ești înconjurat doar de oameni civilizați.

Despre Alexandru Racu

Născut în Bucureşti pe 4 Martie 1982. Absolvent al Facultăţii de Ştiinţe Politice din cadrul Universităţii Bucureşti, Master în Studii Sud-Est Europene la Univeristatea din Atena şi doctor în filozofie politică al Universităţii din Ottawa.
Acest articol a fost publicat în Uncategorized. Pune un semn de carte cu legătura permanentă.

2 răspunsuri la Dreapta decentă

  1. Un Om zice:

    Este Papahagi discipolul lui Stepan Bandera sau al Ucrainei Banderiste? Are el o poziție față de cultul modern față de acest criminal de război mai rău decât Zelea-Codreanu? Aici nu există neutralitate, joc de glezne, tăceri complice. Ești sau nu de partea corectă a istoriei și respingi orice idolatrizare a unui criminal naționalist. Orice altceva este o complicitate politică.

    Surse pentru documentarea dlui Papahagi (la cateva zile dupa articolul Euronews, propunerea celor 78 de parlamentari a fost respinsa de Parlamentul ucrainian):

    Jerusalem Post: „Nazi collaborators included in Ukrainian memorial project” JANUARY 21, 2021

    „Individuals included in the online ‘Virtual Necropolis’ are ultra-nationalists and senior auxiliary police unit officials that collaborated in the massacre of Jews
    A project of the Ukrainian Institute for National Memory memorializing Ukrainian national figures includes senior officials in Ukrainian auxiliary police units that collaborated with the Nazis and carried out atrocities against local populations, including Jews, during the Holocaust.
    The project also memorializes controversial Ukrainian nationalists also accused of responsibility for the murder of Jews during the Russian Civil War from 1917 to 1923, and during the Holocaust.
    Amongst those memorialized on the site are a deputy commander of the 118th Schutzmanshaft Battalion, a commander of the 109th Schutzmanshaft Battalion, Ukrainian nationalist Stepan Bandera and Symon Petliura, a politician in the Ukrainian People’s Republic which existed from 1917 to 1920.
    The Ukrainian Institute for National Memory has insisted however that the individuals in question were not convicted of war crimes or recorded in state archives as having done so.

    Dr. Efraim Zuroff, director of the Simon Wiesenthal Center’s Israel office, said the inclusion of such figures was part of an effort by eastern European countries to “glorify figures who are considered heroes because they fought for independence,” but who “should be disqualified for such honor because they murdered people, primarily Jews.”
    Pavlo Podobed, coordinator of the Virtual Necropolis project, noted in response that both Ivanovich and Omelianovycha-Pavlenko moved to the US and were naturalized there.
    “Neither Kost Smovsky nor Ivan Omelianovycha-Pavlenko were found guilty of war crimes by the US court in the manner prescribed by law,” said Podobed. “None of them was subject to the procedure of deprivation of American citizenship or extradition to the USSR or the State of Israel, although such a practice of war criminals existed and was used in the postwar period.”
    He added that according to the records of the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine – which stores archival and criminal cases against those who served in the auxiliary police and other German formations during the Nazi occupation of Ukraine – the Soviet investigative and punitive-repressive bodies did not record the involvement of Ivanovich or Omelianovycha-Pavlenko in war crimes committed in Ukraine or Belarus.
    “Regarding the involvement of Stepan Bandera or the OUN (B) in the pogrom in Lvov, as well as the responsibility of Chief Ataman of the Troops and the Navy of the UPR Simon Petliura in the Jewish pogroms in Ukraine, there is a large body of academic texts and archival materials refuting these manipulative theses,” Podobed said.”

    –––––––
    Euronews: „Controversy as Ukraine mulls giving hero status to alleged war criminals” 04/08/2021

    A controversial topic has landed in front of politicians in the Ukrainian parliament and is getting international attention. Seventy-eight Ukrainian lawmakers from all sides of the parliament have proposed to give the title ‘Hero of Ukraine’ to controversial figures such as Stepan Bandera and Roman Shukhevych.
    Bandera was named ‘Hero of Ukraine’ back in 2010 by outgoing president Viktor Yushchenko, which sparked protests from Poland and Israel before Bandera was stripped of the status again in 2011.

    Pavlo Kutuev, the chair of the sociology department at Igor Sikorsky Kyiv Polytechnic Institute, tells Euronews that the move by the 78 lawmakers is indeed controversial.

    “This question is extremely contested and is dominated by ideological visions,” he says.

    “It is used to mobilise supporters, and I would say that it is counterproductive in Ukraine’s relations with countries such as Poland but also in integrating society. They are heroes in western Ukraine, but they have different ones in eastern Ukraine.”
    Bandera, Shukhevych, and the UPA are controversial for several reasons. Critics point to the mass killings of up to 100,000 Jews and Poles and the fact that UPA cooperated with Nazi Germany at the beginning of WW2 until it became clear that Nazi Germany wouldn’t recognise Ukrainian independence.

    Others see them as heroes fighting for independence and accuse Poland of mass killings and deportation of Ukrainians in the 1940s.

    The view of the UPA is also split inside Ukraine. A study carried out this year by the Democratic Initiatives Center shows that 80 per cent of Western Ukrainians are positive about the Ukrainian government recognising the soldiers of the UPA and their fight for Ukrainian independence.
    In contrast, only 25 per cent are supportive in eastern Ukraine. The study also shows that 70 per cent of western Ukrainians have a favourable view of Bandera as a historical figure, while that number is 11 per cent in eastern Ukraine.

    It is still unclear what President Zelenskyy thinks of the proposal. The Kyiv Post writes that he previously has said that Bandera is a hero for some Ukrainians.
    “He is one of the people who defended Ukraine’s freedom,” Zelenskyy said in 2019.
    “He is a hero for a certain percentage of Ukrainians, and it’s normal, and it’s cool.”

    –––––––
    Newsweek: „Ukraine Makes Birthday of Nazi Collaborator a National Holiday and Bans Book Critical of Anti-Semitic Leader” 12/27/18

    „Ukraine’s parliament has officially designated the birthday of a prominent Nazi collaborator as a national holiday, while also banning a book that criticized another anti-Semitic national leader.

    January 1 has now been set aside in the country to remember Stepan Bandera, the Jewish Telegraph Agency reported Thursday. Bandera was a Ukrainian nationalist who joined forces with the German Nazis during World War II because he believed that they would help his country gain independence from the now defunct Soviet Union. However, he was later also targeted and arrested by the Nazis.

    The Ukrainian city of Lviv, which was the nationalist’s home city, also announced this month that next year would be „Stepan Bandera Year,” a move criticized by Israel.
    Human rights activists have raised serious concerns about the rise of neo-Nazi groups in Ukraine, particularly since Russian-backed separatist rebels took control of sizable portions of the country in 2014. The conflict has led to an increase in anti-Russian sentiments and ultra-nationalist feelings. Some of the nationalists have turned to neo-Nazi ideology as well.

    In July, activists even filed a petition with Israel’s High Court of Justice, demanding their country halt arms exports to Ukraine, Haaretz reported. Their petition argued that many of the weapons ended up in the hands of fighters who promoted neo-Nazi views.

    „Numerous organized radical right-wing groups exist in Ukraine,” Freedom House’s Ukraine project director Matthew Schaaf said, according to a March report by Reuters. „While the volunteer battalions may have been officially integrated into state structures, some of them have since spun off political and non-profit structures to implement their vision.”

  2. Pingback: „În egală măsură ortodoxia și occidentul”: triumful euroatlantic al Ortodoxiei (V) - BotoșaniExpres

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